Sunday, 26 November 2017

A Battle of Verses for ‘Democratic Dominance’ RL Vol. XI No. CCXC, MMXVII

A Battle of Verses for ‘Democratic Dominance’ –
Existential Menace of an Emergent Post-Truth Politics in the East-West Throngs of an Emerging & World Order
Public Lecture - RL Vol. XI No. CCXC, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
        Post-truth politics, a phenomenon that has now formally been adopted as an instrument of Global Governance, is a political culture in which politics (public opinion and media narratives) have become almost entirely disconnected from policy (the substance of legislation) (Roberts, 2010). Such is the post-truth era that when the Republican presidential hopeful, claimed that President Barack Obama ‘is the founder’ of Islamic State and the Democratic candidate, the ‘co-founder’, even some of his supporters were perplexed. Fake news – active misinformation that is packaged to look as if it comes from a serious news site – is a threat to democratic institutions. Nonetheless, such post-truth politics harping on nuclear threats, populism and trade relations is giving way for emerging market leaders such as China to fill in the void left by the ‘beacons’ of democracy, to chart new courses for global governance institutions. 
        Machiavelli thought pivots around a central, uncomfortable observation: that the wicked tend to win. They do so because they have a huge advantage over the good: they are willing to act with the darkest ingenuity and cunning to further their cause. They are not held back by those rigid opponents of change: principles. They will be prepared to outright lie, twist facts, threaten or get violent. Global governance shared the same fate after WWII, where the acerbic state leaders won the final battle against the dilapidated people of Europe and Africa. Today, history repeats itself by the same token where state leaders that are willing and able to deploy their vast martial power on helpless nations and peoples such as Syria, Yemen and Libya. Global governance in most issue domains is provided by a complex combination of these different bases, rather than by any single one of them. In spite of all of the disorder and complexity associated with global security issues, however, there is a great deal of purposive and authoritatively rule-governed order present in the contemporary international system. It is not always a very just or efficient system of governance, but it is governance nevertheless, and is central to any understanding of attempts to address contemporary security challenges (Biersteker, 2009: 11).  
          The lecture augurs on the analyses of transition to global governance that are marked by several limitations. These include a tendency to narrow global governance to the terms and categories of immediate, not very well considered, political and social action, a naïve realism, as it were; and inattention to problems of articulation or production of global systems and process within local politics rather than simply as formal or abstract possibilities. Moreover, a nearly exclusive concern in certain institutional perspectives on global governance with generic attributes and characteristics of social, economic, cultural and political organisations and consequent neglect of analysis in terms of specific strategies and performances of nations in global governance creates ambiguities as to whether society is agent or object of global change. Further, inadequate analysis of the role of transnational companies and Bretton Wood Institutions and of relations between global and indigenous dimensions of global governance creates serious analytical limitations.

Key words: global governance, analytical limitations, post-truth politics, emerging market

See link here or http://www.academia.edu/35179180/A_Battle_of_Verses_for_Democratic_Dominance_Existential_Menace_of_an_Emergent_Post-Truth_Politics_in_the_East-West_Throngs_of_an_Emerging_and_World_Order_RL_Vol._XI_No._CCXC_MMXVII

Watersheds of Ethical Governance Crises Curbing Resource Plunders in Africa – Theory and Praxis - RL Vol. XI No. CCXCIV, MMXVII

Watersheds of Ethical Governance Crises
Curbing Resource Plunders in Africa –
Theory and Praxis
Public Lecture - RL Vol. XI No. CCXCIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Public Administration Ethics: Theory and Praxis
Blocks I - Lecture and Seminar Notes, Series IV, AAU, Addis Ababa, 2013
Reviewed 2015
Abstract
Talks of mal-governance and corruption have been a clarion call for government in recent years. This paper looks at the theory and practice in public administration ethics that will be valuable for leaders to take systemic measures to combat unethical governance. In spite of fast growing economies and notwithstanding the slavery and colonial and neo-liberal legacy, that is still taxing the continent, new faces and forces of vulnerability and poverty haunt the Africa region. These series of lectures consider the relations between corruption, security and development. The public service suffers from the pressures of economies, no less than those of politics. The realities prevailing in Africa render expectations of Africa’s public service rather unreasonable. For most junior public servants in Africa daily survival is nothing less than a minor miracle because their wages lag behind the requirements of self-reproduction. At a structural-political level, structural-cultural level and epistemological level, is the conflict of the legitimacy of the received state. Its ‘public’ is nominal with the informal kinship-based; legitimacy of salient values of indigenous African cultures and those of the value systems of the modern state and the antimonies, distortions and confusions of an epistemological stance, which insistently privileges perceives Africa in the image of the West.
  Chronologically, one discerns two overarching themes - the organisational context in which individual administrators must work out ethical decisions and conduct, and democratic values as normative touchstones for public administrative ethics. Chronologically, the first to emerge clearly is that of the organisation as an arena fraught with complicating factors for any would-be rational ethical administrator. Democratic norms are found in the earliest of these works, but are developed neither as lucidly, nor as progressively as the organisational setting. Thus, democratic theory and values are deemed here to constitute a minor theme, not in the sense of being less important ultimately, but in terms of the attention paid to it in these works in particular, as well as in the literature in general. Increasingly serious and systematic attention devoted to the influence of organisational factors, both positive and negative, is quite clear. At the outset, democratic values are assumed the most basic values necessary for the study of public administration ethics...  

Key words: ethics, corruption, public administration, good governance

See link here or  http://www.academia.edu/35208062/Watersheds_of_Ethical_Governance_Crises_Curbing_Resource_Plunders_in_Africa_Theory_and_Praxis_Public_Administration_Ethics_Theory_and_Praxis

Tuesday, 21 November 2017

The Global Passion for Data-ism – Is it An Emergent Tool for Rapid, Adaptive Public Policy? RL Vol. XI No. CCXCIII, MMXVII

The Global Passion for Data-ism –
Is it An Emergent Tool for Rapid, Adaptive Public Policy?
The environment in which public policy is made has entered a period of dramatic change. Widespread use of digital technologies, the Internet and social media means both citizens and governments leave digital traces that can be harvested to generate big data. Policy-making takes place in an increasingly rich data environment, which poses both promises and threats to policy-makers. Helen Margetts, 2013
Public Lecture - RL Vol. XI No. CCXCIII, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms

Abstract
In just four decades, the systems of statistics in Africa went through three seismic waves. The first of these occurred immediately in the aftermath of decolonisation. During this time, Africa experienced a decade of dramatic rise in the development of its systems of national statistics, particularly in the implementation of population censuses and household surveys. This lecture focuses on the emerging need for good social and economic data that can help African nations develop statistical systems that will provide on time information on socio-economic development that will affect resource mobilization and allocation more proactively. The research questions addressed the relevance Big Data may have to the huge range of public policy questions. Big data challenges policy makers because it can offer real-time results that require a rapid, adaptive policy in return. Big data is often a rich data, offering refined data points and high quality observations that span different levels of analysis and the data is often fragmented, so researchers spend time trying to locate and access diverse data sets. The data requires translation – between languages, and between disciplines. Data-ism is a recently coined term for a kind of data philosophy or ideology. Big data refers to a process that is used when traditional data mining and handling techniques cannot reveal the insights and meaning of the underlying data. Data that is unstructured or time sensitive or simply very large cannot be processed by relational database engines. The lecture further discusses data modelling, data augmentation, algebraic modelling & algorithm and research initiatives on Big Data and Public Policy. It further elaborates on the promises and threats of big data for public policy-making how big data has changed public policy. Data transformation deals with turning numbers into knowledge, conceptualizing data management: the information value chain mapping the flow of data, matching your needs to the software and triangulation.
Key words: data-ism, big data, algebraic modelling, algorithm data modelling, augmentation & transform
See link here

Sweeping Devaluation Version 2 -2017 Propelling the Wheeler-dealer Speculative Trade Regime & a Predator Parallel Currency Markets into a Whirlwind Tailspin - RL Vol. XI No. CCCXCIII, MMXVII

Sweeping Devaluation Version 2 -2017
Propelling the Wheeler-dealer Speculative Trade Regime & a Predator Parallel Currency Markets into a Whirlwind Tailspin
Public Lecture - RL Vol. XI No. CCCXCIII, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
Once again, the Birr has seen a round of devaluation, shearing off 15% of the purchasing power vis-à-vis other currencies, driving the parallel market from 1$ to 27 Birr to 30+ Birr and meteoric rise of prices of goods in stock. Birr has had two drastic & numerous stealth devaluations since the 90s but the nation is still unable to improve its balance of payments; hence, the assumed actions of the state for more devaluations to right this evil. This lecture argues that devaluation alone may not prove right, as aggregate supply suffers after devaluation because of more expensive imported production inputs, wage indexation and costlier capital.  Further, Ethiopia’s trade performance has been held back by a recipe of factors that require macro policy therapy: high trade costs, onerous red tape, baffling macroeconomic framework and policy mix ups that seem with reach, only elude, appears manageable only to resist realisation. Only targeted structural transformation and regional cooperation, juxtaposed to trade-friendly macroeconomic policy and financial reforms would, if properly sequenced, enable it to use its abundant factors of production.
The panacea for its per­sistent balance of payment deficit and debt unsustainability is import substitution of food products by production of cereals (wheat, maize, barley malt etc., edible oil, sugar, fertilizers and other items) that are draining the nation billions. Ethiopia has 72 million hectares of arable land and its river drain 122 billion cubic meters of water out the nation. With proper policy and strategy, this can be and must done. Imports part of the value chain of domestic production (machinery, spare parts, raw material, etc.) for exports have a high import gist; devaluation badly hurts their competitiveness in foreign markets. This can be ascribed to poor governance and fragility of states. Economic governance involves improvements in the technical competence and efficiency under a more accountable, transparent and predictable public domain, whose missing links point to the dismal performance of states. While its economic performance is invigorating, Ethiopia faces predictable armour of trials rife in poor nations with too few wherewithal, while also wrestling with the perpetual glitch of sequencing policy reforms, all subject to doctrinal reins. Given the slim margins for manoeuvre imposed by a complex knit in its governance fabric, getting the priorities right are the central issues to be addressed.
Key words: economic governance, policy, strategy, devaluation, parallel market,

See link here

Monday, 30 October 2017

Statutory Trails in the Research, Policy and Practice Nexus Continuum - RL Vol XI No XL, CXXIV, MMXVII.pdf

Statutory Trails in the
Research, Policy and Practice
Nexus Continuum
Legislative and Institutional Pathways interfacing the Research, Policy and Practice (RPP) Nexus
Translating Research Evidence through Policy to Practice
Public Lecture - RL Vol XI No XL, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
The research augurs on challenges and opportunities in interfacing research, policy and practice for sustainable Develop­ment is an integrated package of policy, technology, investment strategies and appropriate decision-making tools which are used together to promote sustainable livelihoods by building on local adaptive strategies. The aim of the research is the production of knowledge on current and priority issues on the research-policy-practice nexus in order to better feed into the requirements of participatory assessment, planning and research-outreach inter­face in policy formulation and results-oriented strategic pro­gramme management.  The methodology presents questions, guidelines and issues which the study must address and adhere to. In order to realise the goals and objectives of the nexus, the research seeks to capture the synergies arising out of the in­teraction between contemporary and indigenous knowledge, and the conditions and processes which produce and reinforce home growing actionable policies. Analytical challenges to the research-policy- practice nexus are  gener­ally are marked by several limitations: a tendency to narrow the nexus to the terms and categories of immediate, not very well considered, political and social ac­tion, a naïve realism, as it were; inat­tention to problems of articulation or produc­tion of global systems and process within local politics rather than simply as formal or abstract possibilities; a nearly ex­clusive concern in certain institu­tional perspectives on the nexus with ge­neric attributes of social, economic, cul­tural and political or­ganisations and conse­quent neglect of analysis in terms of their specific strategies and perfor­mances; ambiguity as to whether civil society, African academia and think tanks are agents or objects of  change; and inadequate treatment of the role of policy transfers from the Bretton Wood Institutions and of relations between global and indigenous aspects or dimensions of these policy transfers. The study concluded that there is no single factor that influences implementation, and there is no single theory that explains implementation challenges. The political context and intellectual environment with in which policy is formulated and imple­mented explains the success in interfacing the research-policy- practice nexus.

Key words: analytical challenges, research, policy and practice


See link here or https://www.academia.edu/34932934/Statutory_Trails_in_the_Research_Policy_and_Practice_Nexus_Continuum_-_RL_Vol_XI_No_XL_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf

Developing Political Culture in Fledgling African Democracies RL Vol XI No XLIII, CXXIV, MMXVII

Developing Political Culture in Fledgling African Democracies –
What are the Political Transition Elements that are Amenable to the Architecture of a ‘Western’ rendition of a Democratic State in Africa?
Public Lecture - RL Vol XI No XLIII, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
At the dawn of political liberalisation in Africa, students, churches and labour unions are among civil society organisations that played a crucial role in resisting arbitrariness. These organisations have been spearheading the demo­cratic struggle well before the recognition of political parties & induction of pluralism. The leading role in the transition was without doubt played by the press, the pri­vate press in particular, which reported daily on what was stake in the repression of the pro-democracy struggle. Better yet the interdictions, the multiple trials against journalists have not dampened the combative fervour of a free press. It is assumed that the inception of transition signifies the end of a stable set of rules that depict the previous regime, and that the completion of the transition is marked by the establish­ment of a new rule equilibrium. Nonetheless, ethnic and religious purchased elections are prescription to perpetuate the new tyrants. Po­litical participation is not just a casting of votes - it is a way of life, hence, elections are vital, but not a sufficient, condition for democracy. Electoral bodies should develop ex­tensive indicators for democratic political culture development where the key to transition is the endowment of political rules and institutions conducive to democratic transition (Costantinos, 1996). Good economic performance de­creases the probability of losing while the provision of public goods in the election period affects the probability to accept an election outcome. High tertiary education enrolment, eth­nic religious fractionalisation increase the probability of contestation of election results by the chal­lenger when the incumbent claims victory (Ncube, 2013). Political factors, such as the strength of the opposition, multi-party system, civil incumbent and power alternation increase the probability of the challenger winning and taking over power. Abundant natural resources increase the probability of incumbent losing but then deciding to cling to power, where empirical evidence also shows that the type of former-colonizer of the country matters.
Key words: elections, political liberalisation, democracy capacity development, political rules and institutions, multi-party system, opposition, former-colonizers

See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/34976733/Developing_Political_Culture_in_Fledgling_African_Democracies


Wednesday, 6 September 2017

Globalism’s Promises of Progress or Disorientation & a Shoddily -Prepared African Leadership - RL Vol XI No XXVI, CXXIV, MMXVII


Globalism’s Promises of Progress or Disorientation & a Shoddily -Prepared African Leadership
Public lecture RL Vol XI No XXVI, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Published by Fortune Addis
Abstract
Initial efforts by the African Union and the OAU to develop and integrate Africa included the most comprehensive programme adopted – The Lagos Plan of Action, Final Act of Lagos, Monrovia Symposium, Arusha, Khartoum, and Addis Ababa Declarations, African Common Market, Cairo Agenda for Action, Abuja Treaty. Africa also actively participated in a myriad of vastly costly exercises in numerous multilateral initiatives. In the Libreville Declaration, African countries declared that they ‘are committed to enhancing our cooperation at the international level and to adapting the structure to meet the new challenges and to taking advantage of the opportunities arising from the new environment’. Integration into the international economic system underpins the need to search for and provide a fresh and renewed focus in programming for the demands of globalisation, develop approaches for integration, train policy makers in the art and techniques of analysing global trends, learn from best practices in the areas of resource mobilisation, borders trade and formulate and execute a system-wide regional decade programme for human capacities in Africa.
Nevertheless, powerful forces and trends of unity and disunity, chaos and order mark this moment of global transformation. The forces of globalisation are dissolving old boundaries in a network of dialogue, flows of information and trade. In advancing the case for world-class leadership in Africa, it requires the defiance of the boundaries of inward-bound insight (common sense), as an essential paradigm shift, of patterns of thinking and behaving which, over the years, have built themselves into routines that pacify African leaders to everlasting dormancy. Whatever we, as animators of development and facilitators of entrepreneurial leadership, choose to be, we must have the zeal, commitment, diligence, greatness of spirit, consistency and strength to transform change management chaos into economic opportunities that can project our communities on an irreversible global growth trajectory. Nonetheless, the issues are whether the BRICS or the G20 will ignore or substitute for the views of the G77 and whether the BRICS transactions with LCDs can alter North-South interaction.

Key words: globalism, Africa, leadership, policy, strategy, structure, process

See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/34482601/Globalisms_Promises_of_Progress_or_Disorientation_and_African_Leadership_RL_Vol_XI_No_XXVI_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf

Thursday, 24 August 2017

Political Governance Underpinnings Private Sector Contribution to Growth & Transformation RL Vol XI No XXI, CXXIV, MMXVII



See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/34339487/Political_Governance_Underpinnings_Private_Sector_Contribution_to_Growth_and_Transformation_RL_Vol_XI_No_XXI_CXXIV_MMXVII

Thursday, 10 August 2017

Civil Society under Siege: Community of Practice Gizmos - Block chain Technology as a Social Media Tool -RL Vol XI No XX, CXXIV, MMXVII

Civil Society under Siege:
Community of Practice Gismos - Blockchain Technology as a Social Media Tool
Public Lecture - RL Vol XI No XX, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy, School of Graduate Studies,
College of Business and Economics, AAU
Abstract
The military states, which succeeded the colonial regimes, it is now widely acknowledged, thrived on graft and influence peddling and existed for the benefit of the powerful African elites. The state effectively disenfranchised the poor from participating in the decision-making processes and resource allocation. The main drivers of the Arab Spring have been poverty, rising prices, social exclusion, anger over corruption and personal enrichment among the political elite, and a demographic bulge of young people unable to find work. Moreover, Governments in many na­tions are proclaiming laws that limit the remit of civil society organisa­tions to empower citizens in the framework of a political society and in some cases to make such institutions illegal.
It stands to reason that the vistas for political transi­tion hinge on the actuality of a system of supportive civil society institutions. Nevertheless, how can Communities of Practice be able to recog­nise institutional gaps that inhibit a transition to designing programmes to help fill them? If social media (facebook, twitter…) can bring about the Arab Spring, then there is no shortage of possible applications for blockchain tools across Communities of Practice globally. This lecture will explore blockchain’s potential as an elec­tronic platform for mobilising citizens is insightful and not just for digital currencies, which were the first to make use of it. Currently, civil society communication records, experiences in em­powering citi­zens on social media and internet exchanges are all private domains. The need to create and connect Communities of Practice globally among civil advocated is long overdue.

Key words: communities of practice, civil society, advocacy, social media, block chain, political transition, 
Picture credit @ Floyd Pennington

See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/34192642/CoP_Gismos_-_Blockchain_Technology_as_a_Social_Media_Tool_-_RL_Vol_XI_No_XX_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf

Saturday, 29 July 2017

Radical Shifts in Global Balance - Geopolitics, Surging Emerging Markets & a Wobbling G7 - RL Vol XI No XV, CXXIV, MMXVII

Radical Shifts in Global Balance: Geopolitics, Surging Emerging Markets & a Wobbling Group of Seven
Public Lecture – RL Vol XI No XV, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy, School of Graduate Studies,
College of Business and Economics, AAU
Abstract
By the year 2020, a great shift will have occurred in the worldwide balance of economic power. Emerging market economies will become some of the most important economic forces, and China will take the top spot in the list of the world’s largest economies by GDP, both outright and measured in terms of PPP, that will have broad implications for the world’s allocation of consumption, investments and environmental resources. Emerging economies are advancing while advanced economies are mature markets that are slowing aided by the 2008 global financial crisis. On the other hand, cyber-attacks on Western democracy. Countries and non-state networks are using the civil war to accomplish their political goals with uninhibited use of force. Menacingly, cyber warfare in the Ukrainian conflict and US elections in 2016 shows a new hotspot dimension of the conflict (Greenberg, 2017). The US, Russia, Iran and Saudi Arabia and terror networks are all using the Syrian conflict to wage their own fight making Syria a global battleground (Kassab, 2016:1-3). Elsewhere, China claims sovereignty of virtually all of the South China Sea, aggressively fortifying its foothold by turning seven mostly submerged reefs into island outposts that other claimants to the atolls oppose on a key waterway for world trade (Fox, 2017). 
Today, fluidity rather than order define economic and political security. Distinctions between foreign and domestic policy are no longer valid. Terrorism, cyber warfare, climate change, and refugee flows have removed the distinction between the internal and external, between domestic and foreign. changing ideas of legitimacy emerge as foreign policy is no longer a prerogative of the state but a central realm of domestic politics – one which is ripe for manipulation by outside powers - Mutually Assured Disruption. As frightening as Mutually Assured Destruction was during the cold war, it helped to take a particularly deadly option off the table. In today’s world, we need to develop norms around the internet, economic warfare, and new technologies – if not to achieve order, then at least to create some boundaries to chaos that can save the world from implosion (Leonard, 2017).
Key words: Emerging market economies, Syria, South China Sea, cyber-attacks, Mutually Assured Disruption, Mutually Assured Destruction,

See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/34069174/Radical_Shifts_in_Global_Balance_-_Geopolitics_Surging_Emerging_Markets_and_a_Wobbling_G7_-_RL_Vol_XI_No_XV_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf

Wednesday, 19 July 2017

Humanity & Conflicts clinch in a Tragic Embrace - The Human & Institutional Spoils of Interventionist Warfare -RL Vol XI No XVII, CXXIV, MMXVII

If war is the worst enemy of development ever seen, healthy & balanced development is the preferred form of conflict prevention. Kofi Annan, 1999.
Humanity & Conflicts clinch in a Tragic Embrace
The Human & Institutional Spoils of Interventionist Warfare
Public Lecture – RL Vol XI No XVII, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy, School of Graduate Studies,
College of Business and Economics, AAU
Abstract
Is it a fact that states might want to uphold conflicts in their search for stable surroundings or ‘ontological security’. How could it be possible that a state might covet a conflict? We assume states want to avoid conflict. Yet there are cases where parties seem deeply attached to the conflict that seems to be keeping the conflict alive. Realists who look to the security dilemma would explain this anomaly with the concept of uncertainty (Schouten, 2009:1). In 1967, The US Blue Ribbon Commission wrote a secret report entitled Report from Iron Mountain: On the Possibility and Desirability of Peace. The substance of the document are unsettling. That medical advances are viewed more as problems than as progress; or that poverty is necessary and desirable, public postures by politicians to the contrary notwithstanding; or that standing armies are, among other things social-welfare institutions in exactly the same sense as are old-people's homes and mental hospitals (The Blue Ribbon Commission, 1967).
The intervention of Nato in Libya’s annihilation, the foreign support to regime change in Syria, Egypt, Yemen, Iraq and Afghanistan and the Afro-Arab Winter are all that still haunt the architects of these conflicts. The human and institutional costs are too ghastly to contemplate even for the warmonger minds of these last horses of the apocalypse. The West’s engagement in Libya has created a failed state leaving behind an arena for warring factions, armed to the teeth with weapons provided directly by allies effectively transforming a peaceful, prosperous African country into a classic paragon of a phantom state. The fact is that foreign powers that would like to parachute democracy into these lands often do not efficiently realise in practice the potential of the ideas and goals they promote. Hence, the volume of their interventions is not nearly proportional to their impact raises the issue of whether the ideas in question may be fundamentally constrained at the exact moment of their conception by the very institutions and technocratic structures that ground their articulation. It enters politics and society in relatively abstract and plain form, yet pundits expect it to land itself to the immediate and vital Afro-Arab polity's socio-political experience. It insinuates itself, and seems within grasp, only to evade action and appears readily realisable only to resist fulfilment.

Key words: intervention, conflicts, wars, impact, ontological security, 

See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/33930621/The_Human_and_Institutional_Spoils_of_Interventionist_Warfare_-_Vol_XI_No_XVII_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf

Tuesday, 18 July 2017

Rentier States & Economies - Deontological, Teleological & Ideological Clangs - RL Vol XI No XVIII, CXXIV, MMXVII

Rentier States & Economies -
Deontological, Teleological & Ideological Clangs
Public Lecture – RL Vol XI No XVIII, CXXIV, MMXVII
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy, School of Graduate Studies,
College of Business and Economics, AAU
Abstract
In political science and international relations theory, a rentier government is a state, which derives all, or a substantial portion of its national revenues from the rent of indigenous resources to external clients, where only few are engaged in the generation of rent, while the majority is involved in its distribution and consumption. Rentier theory makes a distinction between ‘earned’ and ‘unearned’ income and assumes that a rentier economy creates a specific mentality. The economic behaviour embodies a break in the work-reward causation - a complacent attitude among the rentier states, which contrasted vividly with the sense of alarm and urgency prevalent in most other underdeveloped countries with massive impoverishment of the general populace. Consistent with the political strategy, rentier regimes undertake major restructuring of the polity, setting the foundation for and cutting it up into a score of regional governments based on linguistic, ethnic and cultural identity. In engaging in uncertainty reducing activities which short cut the full emergence of open and transparent states, rentier regimes often enlist the support of outside participants. Ideological constructs tend to be unsettled and, at times, unsettling.
Although states have the central responsibility for safeguarding the security of their citizens and providing public services, they can also be a source of domestic and international insecurity. Such states are fragile or collapse, manifested by violent disorder, conflict, lawlessness, and collapse of basic services. There is growing concern among politicians, development agencies and academicians about weak, fragile, or failing states. This concern is that fragile states serve as a base for terrorist groups, organized crime and other international security threats. In state building, it is possible to draw a conceptual distinction between two levels of articulation of ideology and to note the implications of their relations for process openness. These are representations of specific interests, identities, needs, wishes, goals, claims, demands and so on, different in different individuals, groups and communities on the one hand and production and circulation of ideology where broad-based concepts, principles and rules take shape and come into play, on the other. Peace, stability and development require effective and legitimate states able to fulfil their responsibilities of providing basic social services and security to citizens. State building will contribute to human security and international stability. State building also assumes that the only way a state can function peacefully is if it has gained acceptance and support being accountable and responsive to citizens.

Key words: rentier state, rent seeking, rent, deontology, teleology, ideology

See lecture here or https://www.academia.edu/33922155/Rentier_States_and_Economies_-_Deontological_Teleological_and_Ideological_Clangs_Vol_XI_No_XVIII_CXXIV_MMXVII.pdf