Sunday, 30 June 2019

The 3rd Scramble for Africa, & Global Economic Governance Supremacy RL Vol. XII No 121 MMIXX

The 3rd Scramble for Africa
Ultimate Frontier for Global Economic Governance Supremacy
Public Lecture - RL Vol. XII No 121 MMIXX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board &
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
The lecture focuses on the challenges posed by Africa in the third scramble for its resources coming right after colonialism and the post-colonial Cold War divisions. The statement of challenges stems from “Foreign investment helps countries not only by applying new technology but also by reorganising the way people work and by keeping an eye on costs. Few governments do these well, corrupt ones least of all. In the past, a lack of political will and weak governance has tended to contribute to the bourgeoning illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Africa. True, Africa is reaping economic benefit, but there is no doubt that big power interest in the continent goes beyond mere altruism. Economically, both private and public sectors of big powers are benefiting from this relationship.
The research enquiry augurs on the knowledge gap - challenges posed by Africa in the third scramble for its resources coming right after colonialism and the neo-colonial Cold War divisions. What is the new East-West scramble for Africa? How does this benefit both the scramblers and the scrambled? What does Africa need to do to be prepared to enhance its negotiating position? Hence, the paper dwells on the East-West Rivalry, the scaremongering from Global Economic Governance Agencies, the Chinese move into Africa, the Western Quest for Africa and how should Africa respond to foreign overtures. The hope for strengthening Africa’s position lies in the 32nd session of the Assembly of the African Union (Jan 2019) that endorsed the recommendations of AU Ministers of Trade on Template on Tariff Liberalisation which was used by Member States in preparing the AfCFTA Schedules of Tariff Concessions. The main aim of the AfCFTA to remove import duty on 90% of all goods while identified “sensitive items” which make up the balance 10% would also be phased out later as tariff free. The agreement is also meant to liberalise commercial services and also tackle the so-called “non-tariff barriers” which include extended delays and harassment at border posts, which hamper trade between African countries. The main opponents to the treaty is Nigeria – because it believes more jobs will be outsourced to foreign companies, these agreements usually come with cutting cost on public subsidy, reduced tax on importation is bad for local industry
Key words: Africa, East-West Rivalry, China, US, third scramble for Africa, AfCFTA,



"Whatever Africa’s leadership, choose to be, shouldn’t they have the Zeal, Commitment, Diligence,
Greatness of Spirit, Consistency and Strength to transform transitional chaos into Alternative Economic
Opportunities provided that can project Africa on an irreversible global growth trajectory. "
__________________________________________
If we go on like this, African resources will be used for Chinese development as they were for Europe,
J H Mensah, former minister in Ghana.
The west should set an example by making public the resources they have grabbed in Africa in the past 400 years to come to the issue of china’s transparency, Li Ruogu,, ExIm Bank of China.

See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39724281/The_3rd_Scramble_for_Africa_Ultimate_Frontier_for_Global_Economic_Governance_Supremacy_RL_Vol._XII_No_121_MMIXX



African Slavery in the 21st Century – RL Vol. XIII No. 558 MMIXX

African Slavery in the 21st Century –
The Violent Afro-Arab Legacy & Potential Rescue Operations Globally
Public Lecture – Respublica Litereria RL Vol. XIII No. 558 MMIXX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
Cheap, unorganised labour is the preferred form of slave trade in the Middle East today. Africans are also willingly paying human traffickers to go to Europe for better life and prosperity for luck of opportunities and conflicts in Africa. The case of slavery in Libya is unique in that this is happening in the 21st century at the gates of and the deterrence policy of Europe, where Libyan warlords inter­cept boats as part of a divisive deal that has seen migrant arrivals down nearly 70%, only for migrant to be sold as slaves in Libya. UN leaders said they are horrified, the international community cannot continue to turn a blind eye to the horrors endured by migrants in Libya (AFP, 2017). African migrants who are unable to pay their Bedouin smugglers’ demands for large amounts of cash to take them into Israel have their organs stolen by Egyptian doctors in the Sinai Peninsula. For those who make it to the Gulf, many commit suicide - at least 35 Ugandans killed themselves in the UAE- because of unpaid wages and abuse (Palet, 2018).
The key political question in recent months has been how to reduce the number of unauthorised migrants to Europe’s shores in rickety vessels from the unstable North Africa. Italy seems to have found a solution for reducing these numbers. Of course, the decrease in numbers does not mean that the people stopped fleeing persecution, violence, or poverty, but simply means they do not arrive in Italian shores. This raises the question: where are they? 
The unfolding human tragedy, its impact on human development and its consequences on politics are indeed too ghastly to contemplate. African nations must develop clear-cut youth and employment policies that match young people to the labour market and financing policies that would ensure production of viable skilled work force. They must put in place policies on science, technology, research and innovation that improve educational curricula to respond to real needs and train human power that are competitive at all levels in the labour market. The world has to work towards a new understanding of sharing in which those who have been marginalised in the struggle for justice and human dignity in society. These demand common tasks to build a community and the momentum for radical citizen’s participation: realism of what it means to be human means vision, shared values and shared resources.

Key words: migration, trafficking, slavery, labour market, unemployment, organ stealing, the Gulf, Libya, EU,

"Financial enticement to Africa’s kleptocratic leaders to stop migrants fleeing from despotic states is a sin. Even the most cynical claim of arresting the flood of migrants to Europe by economic incentives is futile. It does not change the status quo ante of the migrants, whose contemplations of future slavery by Libyan smugglers stands against prevailing torment at the hands of their own kleptocrats, hence, their aspiration of finding fresh avenues."
See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39724317/African_Slavery_in_the_21st_Century_RL_Vol._XIII_No._558_MMIX

Thursday, 27 June 2019

Human Security and Development the Great Lakes Region of Africa RL Vol XIII No 557 MMXIX

Human Security, Stability, Resource
Management & Development in the Great Lakes Region of Africa (Bujumbura 2009)
A Sub-region haunted by its Wealth of Natural Resources & The Donor Round Table Conference that Grassed the Great Lakes Despondently
Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 557 MMXIX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board &
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
Historically, the illegal exploitation of natural resources has played a key role in triggering and financing conflict in many parts of the Great Lakes Region, a crisis that needs to be confronted as a matter of urgency. In recent years, the region has witnessed orchestrated cross-border pillaging of natural resources, ranging from gold, diamonds, and other gemstones, Colombo–tantalite, or “Coltan” (timber – especially “precious woods”), cultivated crops (coffee and tea), livestock and indigenous flora and fauna (including frogs, butterflies, green parrots, medicinal plants and unique genetic material). One of the main constraints to effective natural resources management is policy failure, weak governance, incompetence, or simply the upshot of political corruption.
River Congo can generate 52,000 megawatts of electricity. Titanic water resource, a benign climate, rich soil and beneath the soil abundant deposits of copper, gold, diamonds, cobalt, Coltan… worth 34 trillion USD are some that should make it one of the world's richest countries. It supplied Uranium used to construct the atomic bomb. DRC can employ African economic migrants that otherwise crowd European borders but colonial corruption have turned it into the world's bloodiest conflict, still rumbling on today
Some of the challenges in the GLR, which relate to the abovementioned emerging trends in natural resource management, include the need for effective coordination within and between states. Moreover, efficient and effective information sharing, conducting on-going awareness campaigns, and the need to provide targeted education and training programmes, in order to ensure effective implementation of compliance regimes. Hence, a Pact encompassing eleven countries of the GLR with a population of close to three hundred million people has been designed. Towards this end, this article outlines programmes developed in peace and security, democracy and good governance, economic development and regional integration, humanitarian action and social development and cross cutting issues in gender, human rights, diseases and environment and climate change. The strategies in the programme documents address the multi-dimensional, multi-sectoral and multi-track input that are required to create the holism enshrined in social and economic development that can only be achieved through the sustainable livelihoods synergy - resilience, economic efficiency, social equitability and ecological stability.

Key words: Great Lakes Region of Africa, gender, violence, peace, security, democracy, good governance, infrastructure, regional integration, economic development, humanitarian action
See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39710102/Human_Security_Stability_Resource_Management_and_Development_in_the_Great_Lakes_Region_of_Africa_Bujumbura_-2009_RL_Vol_XIII_No_557_MMXIX
The magnitude of violence against women will never be known, 
what is well known, however, are the horrifying stories told by the sufferers. Sexual violence know no boundaries, in both conflict and non-conflict situations, culprits are within families and among those mandated with the protection of the vulnerable - police, military, peace keepers, etc. Costantinos


The Darfur Report - Mobilisation for Peace, Protection of Women’s Rights in Darfur RL Vol XIII No 555 MMXIX

The Darfur Report
Part I
Mobilisation for Peace, Protection of Women’s Rights in Darfur
Report of the Technical Mission to Darfur, Sudan, 16 October 2005
Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 555 MMXIX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board &
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
A high-level technical team travel to Darfur as part of a strategic action to advocate giving voice to the women of Darfur, and enable them to be part of the solutions, to assert their rights and contribute to the search for peace within the AU mandate. Data collection methodologies focused on participatory, affordable, easy to understand and use­ful techniques. One of Africa’s largest landmass inhabited by a kaleidoscope of shades and colours, it is one of Africa’s impoverished, but well-endowed nations. Eternally nourished by the Nile and the wealth generated by petroleum reserves, Sudan could have been one of the success stories of Africa, rendering it a conflict ridden landscape since independence.
The atrocities in Darfur are all too evident to demand any major explanation and too terrifying and menacing to believe - murder, rape, beating and bigotry are common in Darfur by heavily armed militias. In some of the accounts Government soldiers and police are implicated in participation and often abetting this horror. It is indeed difficult to zero in a figure of the number dead under the hands of the perpetrators. While the accurate figure may never be unknown in the foreseeable future, estimates have stated that 300,000 have died since the start of the Darfur conflict. The story is repeatedly the same as if the prescriptions for rape has been commandeered and organised by a central organs carefully synergised for maximum impact. Using case-digests, the report presents the systematic nature of the human insecurity in Darfur and the analysis and discussion part presents that current discussions and analyses of rape and violence against women, racism, human displacement and crises in Darfur are generally are marked by several analytical limitations.
The Darfur violence and human displacement amounting to close to two million people needs urgent solution by all stakeholders. The GoS bears the primary responsibility to resolve the unprecedented human impasse in the most humane way. The AU has undertaken the task of monitoring the cease-fire and peace, providing security and protection to humanitarian missions, and through the Abuja Peace Talks, finding lasting solutions for the problem. Towards this end, it must continue work to ensure human security. The UN and NGOs must deliver gender-sensitive relief and development services at all levels. Human rights groups: must continue to systematically collect, collate, analyse and document information that can and must be communicated to the GoS, AU, and UN… The UN Security Council take action on human security to binding in its resolution both to the Sudanese government and the combatants.
Key words: Darfur, Sudan, ‘genocide’, GBV, VAW, IDPs, CIVPOL, Janjaweed, Wali, Bashir


See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39709884/AU_Technical_Mission_-_Darfur_Human_Right_Report_-_Oct_16_2005_RL_Vol_XIII_No_555_MMXIX


Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD, Team Leader
Nana Pratt, PhD & Joseph Tumushambe, PhD Team Member
AU Darfur Technical Mission

The Global Compact on Refugees – Are We Making Any Headway RL XIII No 551 MMXIX

The Global Compact on Refugees
Are We Making Any Headway?
CSO Consultation on the State of Refugees & IDPs - 2019
Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 551 MMXIX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU AC Advisory Board
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
The framework of global humanitarianism is currently undergoing a structural overhaul. Localisation of humanitarian work, the process of recognising, respecting and strengthening the independence of leadership and decision making by national actors in humanitarian action, in order to better address the needs of affected populations, is at the forefront of that change, since the lead up to the World Humanitarian Summit. On 17 Dec 2018, the UN General Assembly affirmed the Global Compact on Refugees, after two years of extensive consultations led by UNHCR with Member States, international organisations, refugees, civil society, the private sector, and experts. The Global Compact on Refugees is a framework for more predictable and equitable responsibility-sharing, recognizing that a sustainable solution to refugee situations cannot be achieved without international cooperation. It provides a blueprint for governments, international organisations, and other stakeholders to ensure that host communities get the support they need and that refugees can lead productive lives. It constitutes a unique opportunity to transform the way the world responds to refugee situations, benefiting both refugees and the communities that host them. Its four key objectives are to ease the pressures on host countries, enhance refugee self-reliance, expand access to third-country solutions and support conditions in countries of origin for returning safety and dignity. A Case study on Concrete progress on the Global Compact is presented besides the actions to be undertaken by member states, donors, CSOs, regional institutions and the private sector and the social capital and the logic of collective action to stem the tide of displacement and the humanitarian implications of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. The most dramatic advance in the history of human thought came about not as a result of the discovery of new answers for old problems but as a result of the unfolding of new queries for erstwhile problems. The questions necessary for understanding of human crises refer to those structural elements that strive, in the face of apparent bountifulness, to make livelihood unavailable to those in need.
Key words: World Humanitarian Summit, Global Compact on Refugees, responsibility sharing, Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness


see paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39709864/The_Global_Compact_on_Refugees_Are_We_Making_Any_Headway_RL_Vol_XIII_No_551_MMXIX


It is time now turn the Agenda for Humanity into an instrument of global transformation. Let this stand as a testimony to our an invitation to governments, business and civil society organisations of a renewed commitment to contribute to stemming the tide of famine, displacement and human distress. Costantinos

Public Policy Protocols for Participatory Alternative Conflict Management & Peace and Security Monitoring & Evaluation RL Vol XIII No 555 MMXIX

Public Policy Protocols for Participatory
Alternative Conflict Management & Peace and Security Monitoring & Evaluation
System Principles and Indicator Development Processes for Peace and Security Monitoring and Evaluation –
International Partnership for Peace and Security – Greater Horn & Great Lakes of Africa
Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 555 MMXIX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board &
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
The post-World War II human community had the firm belief that a global collective security system capable of limiting the misery of people living under conflicts and complex emergencies would have emerged. Seventy years on, notwithstanding an array of declarations, communiqués and action programmes, the humanitarian crisis in Africa continues unabated, while rapid political developments continue to make new demands on individuals and communities already at the brink of collapse. In this sense, human security that complements state security, enhances human rights, and fortifies human development is vital to the region. Human security thus brings together the human elements of security, of rights, of development.
In the Greater Horn and Great Lakes of Africa, the history of establishing security sector programmes has a long history. The IGAD Security Sector Programme is aimed at building national capacity to promote regional securing cooperation. It comprised of enhancing judicial capacity, optimising interdepartmental cooperation, enhancing border control, providing training and promoting strategic cooperation. On the other hand, the regional programme in Great Lakes Region consists of the joint security management of common borders: disarmament of pastoralists, disarmament and repatriation of all armed groups demining and mine action, combating illicit small arms and light weapons and trans-national crime and terrorism.
The main issue here is how have these declarations been monitored. In an effort to answer this, the paper develops an M&E system. M&E should be understood as an integral part of day-to-day IPPS management, collecting, recording, communicating, analysing and using information for the purpose of decision-making, by which states can identify and solve implementation problems, and assess progress in relation to what was originally planned. M&E can be used to track the procurement, delivery of inputs, the progress of activities and the achievement of outputs. Evaluation occurs only periodically and requires a more in-depth and comprehensive analysis of information to determine not just whether or not the targeted results have been achieved, but why and how. In evaluation, the objectives and design of a programme can be, and should be, questioned to assist member states in decision-making, strengthen programme design and implementation, and stimulate partnership with other actors.

Key words: Greater Horn of Africa, Great Lakes of Africa, peace, security, monitoring, evaluation, capacity-building,
see paper here or  https://www.academia.edu/39709849/Public_Policy_Protocols_for_Participatory_ACM_Peace_and_Security_M_and_E_RL_Vol_XIII_No_556_MMXIX

Saturday, 15 June 2019

The Diplomatic and Political Capital of Africa - Addis Abeba Capacity Building to Foster Urban Governance - RL Vol II No 115 MMVI

Addis Abeba
Capacity Building to Foster Urban Governance
The Diplomatic and Political Capital of Africa –
Addis Abeba Mayor’s Office, 2006
Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol II No 115 MMVI
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
Addis Abeba has witnessed a sea change in the recent-past stemming from the appointment of a new leadership and staging enabling policies that have been set in motion by the Government. In short, Addis is much cleaner, has one of the highest growth rates in terms of urban reconstruction in the continent and the road grid has seen an overhaul unprecedented in its one century old history. The condos that are under completion have given hopes to the emerging ‘middle class’. Finally, there is hope to own a roof above one’s head even in Addis, where real estate prices have gone grotesquely strange. Addis is faced with (unemployment, pollution, water stress, sewerage facilities, gender-based violence, housing, road infrastructure, schools, health facilities…) that the Cabinet needs to sort out what can be done in terms of Urban Governance. Indubitably, this will herald the transition from urban government to urban governance: two diametrically opposite approaches in urban administration and decision–making systems.
Urban Government comprises city management on official state authorities. Urban governance, on the contrary, is a process based on the interaction between official organisations and authorities, which lead city development and of the civil society or the public domain. As we move to another administration that will be concocted soon by the legislature, and in advancing the necessity for continuity, Addis Abeba as a political capital of Africa, must portend the imperative to front-load reasoned strategies to provide hospitable conditions to its ‘citizenry’. The bottom line is we must launch Urban Governance - a process based on the interaction between official organisations and authorities, which lead city development on the one hand, and of the civil society or the public domain on the other.
Key words: Addis Abeba, civil society, urban administration, urban government, urban governance, :  policy, strategy, structure, process, participation, partnership

See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39589687/Addis_Abeba_-_the_Diplomatic_and_Political_Capital_of_Africa_-_Capacity_Building_to_Foster_Urban_Governance_RL_Vol_II_No_115_MMVI

Quo Vadis Sudan - Political Scenarios & Options for a Transitional Government RL Vol XIII No 512 MMXIX

Quo Vadis Sudan

Political Scenarios & Options for a Transitional Government

An Enduring Agony of Society-led African Spring - Damping calls for a Ballot, an allegedly foreign backed Binary Junta takes to Bullets in Sudan’s Civil Uprising

Public Lecture Respublica Litereria - RL Vol XIII No 512 MMXIX
Costantinos Berhutesfa Costantinos, PhD
Former Chairperson of the AU Anti-Corruption Advisory Board
Professor of Public Policy & Sustainable Institutional Reforms
Abstract
Sudanese Rapid Support Forces have killed many citizens moving against a protest sit-in camp in Khartoum, besieging the site, witnesses and protest leaders said. Bodies of protesters shot dead were disposed of in the Nile River near the site of the protest sit-in, and could be seen floating. The military's ongoing move came after a weeks-long standoff with protesters that were seeking a speedy transition to civilian rule. Weeks after the removal of al-Bashir, the fight for civilian rule continues as the military refuses to hand over power, seeking to oversee a two-year transitional period. The African Union has suspended Sudan’s membership until a civilian-led transitional government is established.
The paper proposes three scenarios forward – a civil society led, an amalgam of civil society and military –led transitions and, failing to do so, a UN/AU/IGAD-led provisional administration. The strength, weaknesses, opportunities and threats for the transition discussed in the paper are based on parameters that in combination, will determine the relative strength or weakness of the scenarios - institutional independence, administrative capacity, structural complexity and social unit harmony. A civil society-led government strength would emanate from a real transition to develop democratic political institutions based on Sudanese cultural and economic realities vis-à-vis Western-parachuted elections that usually result in the military replacing the dictatorial regime in civilian clothes. A civil society-cum-military admiration would help to defuse the tension between the more organised military and the democratic potential of civic institutions. An internationally-led provisional administration would, having given up on both options, deny the military that may be inclined to maintain power at the cost of what Libya has endured and perhaps a Yemen-modelled intervention, a scenario that has drawn big powers into the inferno in Syria and Yemen.
The Sudanese transition was bound to have shortcomings that stem in part from historical and structural conditions marked by colonial and militarist traditions for a good part of its recent history. Junta rule undermine political, economic and social stability by denting citizen’s faith in the democratic process. Junta often use their positions to advance parochial interest and self-aggrandisement that has resulted in a general loss of respect for authority and the law occurs and despondency. However, other nations with identical features, have managed to install and maintain multi-party plural systems and hence, there is no reason to believe that pluralism is doomed. Sudan must bury meaningless ideologies that thwart democratic order. With a genuine and dedicated endeavour of skilled and committed political élite, a democratic transition under one geographical entity and nationhood is paramount.

Key words: Sudan, Sudanese Professionals Association, Transitional Military Council, Sudanese Rapid Support Force, civil society, civil society cum-military-led, UN/AU/IGAD-led provisional administration, 
See paper here or https://www.academia.edu/39432245/Quo_Vadis_Sudan_-_Political_Scenarios_and_Options_for_a_Transitional_Government_RL_Vol_XIII_No_512_MMXIX