Tuesday, 22 September 2015

Priming Merit-Based Economic and Social Governance Regimens - Achieving Africa’s Development through Empowered Personal Development - Part II



      
        The achievement of the goals propounded in five year development plan by legislatures is in many measures a decision that will launch a nation’s development trajectory into a new era of human development and human security. Nonetheless, the nation needs a work force with a sense of purpose, work ethic, vision, integrity and direction. It has to do with creating conditions for the existence of the broadest possible range of dialogue, opinions and human sentiments if we are going to achieve the goals enshrined the vision of our new legislature.
      Developing and maintaining a work force with a sense of purpose, work ethic, vision, integrity and direction implies acquiescing to a system of economic and social governance based on rule by ability (merit) rather than by other determinants of social position. Meritocracy is now often used to describe a type of society where wealth, income, and social status are assigned through competition, on the assumption that the winners do indeed deserve the fruits of their efforts. As a result, the concept has acquired a connotation of Social Darwinism -- aggressively competitive societies, with large inequality of income and wealth. This is in sharp contrast with egalitarian societies. Social Darwinism a form of contemporary socio-biology is natural selection applied to human social institutions. Its proponents often used the theory to justify social inequality as being meritocratic. Others used it to justify racism and imperialism and at its most extreme, it appears to anticipate eugenics and the race doctrines of the ultra-right.
      Meritocratic governments (South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia to name a few) and the corporate world stress talent, education, and competence, rather than existing differences such as social class, ethnicity, or sex. In practice, research on social mobility indicates that all these supposedly neutral criteria favor the children of those who are already privileged in some way. In a representative democracy where power is theoretically in the hands of the elected representatives, meritocratic elements include the use of expert consultants to help formulate policies, and a meritocratic civil service (as opposed to the bulk parastatal public employees) to implement them. The perennial problem in advocating meritocracy is defining exactly what merit means
      Hence, in devising a meritocratic state for Africa, we need to look at several of the state functions that must as a necessity be accomplished by well-developed teams and change agents. On the political governance arena it is important that legislators lead the way. They must spend a minimum amount of time in their electoral district to understand their role, and also need mechanisms whereby public opinion can be made known to its members to have good oversight over government. Members of the legislature must also have sufficient access to a research service, library, information and technical resources and technical staff to enable them to make informed decisions.
      In analyzing the Executive Arm’s ability to perform, the first question is whether there is a civil service, with appointments based on merit that has inter alia minimum entry requirements (such as the Indian Civil Service) and where large sectors of the population are not automatically guaranteed a job in the public sector. This is an important point of departure to evolve a clear system of promotion based on merit, with checks and balances to ensure that this is implemented. This also enables the state to ensure that specific functions are clearly described; chains of command clearly delineated and avoid instances of promotion and appointment based on patronage.
      Another important arena for consideration is if the compensation for civil servants is comparable to that of other sectors; i.e. the salary paid to civil servants is similar or even better (such as Banks and airline) to that which they could earn in other sectors and ensure that there are benefits and access to government structures that afford significant attractions to join the civil service. Coupled with good remuneration packages, the existence of alternative employment opportunities (such as in the fledgling finance sector business community in Addis) for civil servants can render the civil service a preferred profession; if career development is independent of the executive branch or political parties.
      Such a system of appointment based on merit will indubitably ensure that budgetary policies and priorities are set correctly; projecting all government expenditures on budget with a central, comprehensive budget, which includes all state expenditures; and whose reports are publicly available consistent with clear budget line-items. It also provides the incentives for government ministries and departments to develop more cost efficient ways of doing business as it enhances decentralization of resource generation and allocation. Thus under such a HIGHLY capacitated state, local authorities are able to collect revenue and program it for human development and human security. It also means that local authorities develop their own budgetary priorities and program and publicize budgets, revenues and expenditures to the public that are subject to audit. In the arena of participation and communication; it is significant that there is a range of well-developed countervailing intermediary civic organizations that function freely and openly; with organizations serving a variety of sectors of the population, rural as well as urban. Such organizations as labor unions and professional associations can peacefully function as political pressure groups or which lobby for specific interests? In addition, independent institutions such as policy or political and economic think tanks can vastly improve the performance of such institutions
      The most significant of all is the existence of a favorable environment for private enterprise; with regulations and administrative procedures, which need to be followed, that facilitate private ownership of property and where private investment is permitted in all sectors. It follows from this that the nature of the regulatory environment must change to make it conducive to small-scale business, the informal sector and women entrepreneurs. Questions that need to be asked in relation to this are - are there political conditions and conditions on access to credit? Is there a functioning banking system or is the system subject to arbitrary political manipulation? Do government regulations on interest rates negatively affect private sector activity? Are regulations governing investment, and import and export procedures clear and easy to understand? Are the regulations supportive of, and conducive to, private sector activity, or are they designed to exercise control over it? Are the regulations consistent, or are there instances in which one set of regulations are contradicted or overruled by another set?
      These describe the salient elements of a meritorious state – a discourse that has reigned over development theory since Socrates and Pluto. The term 'meritocracy' was first used, in a depreciatory sense, in Michael Young's 1958 book Rise of the Meritocracy, which is set in a dystopian future in which one's social place is determined by IQ plus effort. In the book, this social system ultimately leads to a social revolution in which the masses overthrow the elite, who have become arrogant and disconnected from the feelings of the public. Despite the negative origin of the word, a meritocratic system is a good thing for society. Its proponents argue that a meritocratic system is more just and more productive than other systems, and that it allows for an end to distinctions based on such things as sex and race. Young's central criticism of meritocracy was that a system in which social position is determined by objective characteristics would still be inegalitarian and unstable.
      The three essential capabilities for human development are for people to lead long and healthy lives, to be knowledgeable and to have access to the resources needed for a decent standard of living. If these basic capabilities are not achieved, many choices are simply not available and many opportunities remain inaccessible. But the realm of human development goes further: essential areas of choice, highly valued by people, range from political, economic and social opportunities for being creative and productive to enjoying self-respect, empowerment and a sense of belonging to a community. With few exceptions, nations have failed to develop efficient and effective bureaucracies that can win popular legitimacy – having relatively inauthentic, human and material governance institutions and rules that can articulate, aggregate and execute state budgets and a civic leadership that remain at best, weak or underdeveloped.
     Hence, in spite of its short-comings, a merit based promotion, appointment and recruitment seems the only way out of the vicious cycle of deprivation that we are in. The pioneering exemplar work of our legislature in instituting the Addis Ababa city governance can be a harbinger of many good practices in legislative management that are yet to come and evolving strategies for the development and utilization of a pool of critical human qualities at all levels and spectrum of society that would provide the foundation and engine for development.

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